As Columbia University finds itself embroiled in national controversy over pro-Palestinian protests and the arrests of Mahmoud Khalil and Mohsen Mahdawi, an important question remains largely unasked: How did a well-organized campus movement with clear ideological messaging and national coordination spring up seemingly overnight?
More than that, why has there been no discussion in major media outlets about the public record showing how Muslim Brotherhood-linked organizations in the U.S.—including the Muslim Students Association (MSA) and a lineage of Hamas-connected groups such as the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP) and the Holy Land Foundation (HLF)—have shaped American campus activism over decades. One successor organization, American Muslims for Palestine (AMP), today provides support to Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP).
This isn’t speculation. It’s in federal court records, news sources, and the foundational documents of these very groups. Yet, in coverage of Columbia’s protests — including the arrest and deportation proceedings of Khalil and Mahdawi — these connections remain unmentioned.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s Stated Strategy for America
In 2008, federal prosecutors concluded the largest terrorism financing trial in U.S. history: the Holy Land Foundation trial.
This trial revealed a network of U.S.-based organizations aligned with Hamas, itself an offshoot of the global Muslim Brotherhood.
Entered into evidence was a pivotal internal document, the 1991 “Explanatory Memorandum on the General Strategic Goal for the Group in North America,” written by Brotherhood official Mohamed Akram. The memorandum stated plainly:
“The Ikhwan [Muslim Brotherhood] must understand that their work in America is a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the Western civilization from within and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house…”
Among the organizations listed as part of this strategic effort was the Muslim Students Association (MSA), founded in 1963 by Muslim Brotherhood members in the U.S. as a platform for Islamic activism on campus.
From MSA to SJP: The Documented Path
In 2001, the next generation of campus activism took form.
Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) was founded at the University of California, Berkeley by Dr. Hatem Bazian, a longtime MSA activist and later founder of American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) — widely regarded as a successor to the now-defunct Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), a group alleged to have supported Hamas.
Bazian’s trajectory connects the dots:
- MSA activist → AMP leader → SJP founder → Hamas/IAP ideological lineage
Moreover, AMP today is a key supporter of SJP chapters across the country, offering training, funding, and campaign coordination.
This is not conjecture — it is documented organizational history.
Columbia University: Where the Pattern Meets the Present
This history is not ancient. It is alive today — and visible at Columbia University.
Both:
- Columbia MSA (Muslim Students Association)
- Columbia SJP (Students for Justice in Palestine) → officially suspended in 2023 but continuing to organize independently online (LinkTree, Telegram, and X)
…remain active presences connected to the Columbia campus.
While no public document alleges formal coordination between the two at Columbia specifically, MSA and SJP have co-hosted Palestinian solidarity events together at other universities, demonstrating a pattern of ideological alignment and cooperation.
For example, in October 2023 at the University of California, Santa Barbara, SJP and MSA chapters jointly organized a large March for Palestine and Liberation Concert in response to the Gaza conflict, alongside the Afghan Student Association.
While Columbia-specific co-hosting examples have not yet surfaced publicly, given the shared ideological mission and membership overlap seen nationwide, such cooperation on campus would not be unusual.
Further, Mahmoud Khalil has been a central organizer for Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD), while Mohsen Mahdawi has been identified as an active participant in pro-Palestinian activism at Columbia. CUAD has served as the coalition through which SJP has continued operating after its suspension.
Why Is No One Talking About This?
What makes all this remarkable is not the existence of these connections — which are well-documented — but the refusal of major media outlets to even mention them.
While the protests have been widely covered as grassroots expressions of dissent, little to no mention has been made of the ideological and organizational lineage tying them to older networks documented in federal court cases.
This silence may reflect:
- Fear of accusations of “Islamophobia”
- Threats of lawsuits from advocacy organizations
- Political or ideological sympathy with the protesters’ cause
- Or simple ignorance of public record history
Yet, for journalists and concerned citizens alike, the connections matter.
This is not about religion.
This is not about ethnicity.
This is about ideological and political networks operating in the open.
And as Columbia, Khalil, and Mahdawi grapple with the aftermath — protests have subsided but the controversy, disciplinary actions, lawsuits, and public mistrust linger — it is worth asking: Are we looking back on this purely as a fleeting campus protest, or as part of a much older and much broader political agenda, hiding in plain sight?
Dave Soulia | FYIVT
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