Should VT Pull Back the Curtain on Pre-Legislative Dealmaking?

Should VT Pull Back the Curtain on Pre-Legislative Dealmaking?

In recent years, some of Vermont’s most consequential laws have followed a similar path: large, complex proposals appear, move quickly through committees, and pass within a single legislative session.

Measures involving land use Act 181 (Act 250 changes), climate policy (the Global Warming Solutions Act), and emerging health care reforms have all carried broad economic and regulatory impact. Yet to outside observers, these bills can seem to materialize fully formed, with key decisions already embedded before the public process begins.

That pattern raises a simple question: when does the real policymaking actually happen—and who is involved before anyone else sees it?

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The Gap Between Formal Process and Actual Development

The legislative process is public once a bill is introduced. Committees hold hearings. Testimony is taken. Amendments are debated.

But for major legislation, the foundational work often happens earlier—sometimes months or longer in advance. Draft language may be shaped through discussions involving agencies, advocacy groups, industry representatives, consultants, or legislative leadership. By the time a bill receives a number, its core structure is frequently already in place.

None of that is inherently improper. Complex policy requires coordination. But the current system does not consistently document that early phase.

As a result, the public record begins after much of the meaningful design work has already occurred.

A Proposal: The Vermont Legislation Disclosure Act

One possible response would be a new transparency requirement: the Vermont Legislation Disclosure Act.

The concept is straightforward. Before a bill can be taken up by a committee, it would need to include a public disclosure outlining who materially participated in developing the legislation prior to its introduction.

This would not limit collaboration. It would simply require that collaboration to be documented.

What a Disclosure Requirement Could Include

Under such a framework, each bill would be accompanied by a Statement of Pre-Introduction Development, made publicly available at the time of introduction.

That statement could include:

  • The individuals, agencies, organizations, or firms that contributed substantively to the bill’s design
  • Whether outside entities provided draft language in whole or in part
  • The general nature of pre-introduction meetings or coordination (without requiring detailed transcripts)
  • Any reports, model legislation, or policy templates used in drafting
  • Whether the bill originated from a request by an agency, industry group, advocacy organization, or legislative leadership

To ensure the disclosure has practical effect, committees could be restricted from acting on a bill until the statement has been publicly available for a defined period, such as several days.

Transparency Without Restriction

The intent behind such an idea would not be to slow down lawmaking or discourage input from stakeholders. Modern legislation—especially in areas like health care, environmental regulation, and housing—often depends on specialized expertise.

Instead, the goal would be alignment between how policy is actually developed and what the public is able to see.

Current lobbying disclosures and public testimony capture activity after a bill is introduced. A pre-introduction disclosure would extend transparency to the earlier stage where many key decisions are made.

Defining “Material Participation”

Any serious proposal would need to address a central challenge: defining what counts as meaningful involvement.

A workable standard would likely focus on material participation—that is, contributing to the substance of the bill. This could include proposing policy structure, drafting language, shaping implementation mechanisms, or influencing funding and enforcement provisions.

Casual conversations or general input would not necessarily trigger disclosure. The emphasis would be on identifying those who helped build the framework of the legislation itself.

Potential Benefits—and Friction

Supporters of this type of requirement could argue that it strengthens public trust without fundamentally changing how laws are written. Legislators would retain full authority to collaborate and develop policy, while gaining a clearer public record of how proposals came together.

At the same time, resistance would be likely. Additional disclosure requirements can create administrative burdens, and some participants in the process may prefer to keep early-stage discussions informal or less visible.

There would also be questions about enforcement, accuracy, and how to handle incomplete disclosures.

A Broader Question for Vermont

Vermont has long emphasized open government, with accessible committee hearings and a relatively transparent legislative process. The question raised by this idea is whether that transparency should extend further upstream.

As major legislation continues to shape land use, economic conditions, and public services across the state, the issue is less about any single bill and more about how the process is understood.

Should the public record begin at the moment a bill is introduced—or at the point where it is first built?

The concept behind a Vermont Legislation Disclosure Act does not answer that question outright. But it frames it more directly: if significant policy is developed before the public process begins, should that development be visible as well?

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Dave Soulia | FYIVT

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2 responses to “Should VT Pull Back the Curtain on Pre-Legislative Dealmaking?”

  1. H. JAY ESHELMAN Avatar
    H. JAY ESHELMAN

    If significant policy is developed before the public process begins, should that development be visible as well?

    Well, that depends upon what the meaning of the word ‘developed’ is. Vermont has open meeting laws. But as long as one legislator at a time is having lunch in the State House Cafeteria, Pho Capital, or the Capitol Grounds Café, and the food cover is less than $100 annually, anything can happen. But as long as everyone pays for their own meals, there is no limit to what gets sketched or noted on restaurant napkins.

    Keep in mind, most of these people, legislator and lobbyist, are professional shysters. And they won’t stop their nonsense until they’re voted out of office, or Vermont goes bankrupt.

    Because Vermont has historically ranked poorly among U.S. states for the strength of its government ethics laws, transparency, and accountability structures — often in the bottom third or lower, bankruptcy is the odds-on bet.

    And in case anyone hasn’t been paying attention, Vermont is well on the way to bankruptcy, if not already insolvent. As I said in my previous post on Act 183, “Again folks. We’re being gamed at a rigged table. The dice are loaded by a legislature that believes Vermonters are too dumb to know better. Let’s, for a change, stop proving they’re right.”

    1. H. JAY ESHELMAN Avatar
      H. JAY ESHELMAN

      For example: Why would a legislator not demand that Vermont’s school choice tuitioning governance, as it currently exists, be made available to all Vermont families? Tuitioning is an ’opt-out’ provision for those who are dissatisfied with Vermont’s public schools. And tuitioning has been proven, over and again, to decrease taxpayer costs and improve student and family outcomes.

      It’s no different than a school district offering to buyout the contract of a tenured schoolteacher for an amount less than the cost of continued employment. The teacher wins – they get an up-front payout without having to work for it. The school district wins – it doesn’t have to pay ever increasing labor and benefit expenses at the contracted level of the tenured teacher. And the district has the opportunity to either shrink its workforce or hire a teacher with less seniority and lower commensurate pay and benefits.

      Why aren’t our ‘conservative’ elected officials demanding that access to tuitioning be allowed for all Vermont families? Why aren’t they screaming from the roof-tops when they see special interest groups wheeling and dealing to eliminate school choice tuitioning?

      The answer has three options. The elected official is either confused, complacent, or complicit.

      And the same goes for Vermont’s electorate. Confused. Complacent. Or complicit.

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