Rights That Feel Right: Understanding Legal Legitimacy and Human Norms

Rights That Feel Right: Understanding Legal Legitimacy and Human Norms

Have you ever found yourself wondering why certain laws or policies just seem to “click” with your sense of right and wrong, while others feel unnatural, burdensome, or even unfair? These feelings often reflect deeper philosophical roots in the way societies think about rights and government. Whether in day-to-day conversations about healthcare, housing, or free speech—or in trying to make sense of political debates about the role of government—understanding the history of rights is crucial.

At the heart of these questions lies a distinction between negative rights and positive rights—concepts that underpin much of our modern legal and political systems. By tracing their evolution and understanding their foundations, we can better grasp why some laws feel logical and good while others seem to create stress or discord. These differences aren’t just abstract; they shape our personal freedoms, social responsibilities, and the very structure of government.

This article delves into the historical and philosophical journey of negative and positive rights, examining how these ideas have influenced laws, policies, and our expectations of liberty. By the end, you might have a clearer picture of why the rules we live by sometimes feel harmonious—and why they sometimes don’t.

The History of Negative Rights

Negative rights, often referred to as “freedoms from,” are rooted in the idea that individuals possess inherent liberties that must be protected from external interference—particularly by governments. These rights align with the philosophy of classical liberalism and the natural rights tradition.

Philosophical Foundations

  • Natural Law Tradition: Ancient thinkers like Aristotle and Cicero argued that certain rights are inherent in human nature and grounded in universal moral principles. Thomas Aquinas later linked these ideas to divine law, framing them as immutable truths.
  • The Enlightenment: Philosophers like John Locke advanced the notion that individuals are born with inalienable rights to life, liberty, and property. Governments, Locke argued, exist to protect these rights. His work profoundly influenced the American Founders. Other Enlightenment thinkers, such as Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, examined the delicate balance between individual liberty and governmental authority through their social contract theories.

From Natural Rights to Legal Rights

Negative rights were codified in pivotal documents that sought to limit government power and secure individual liberty:

Negative Rights in the U.S. Constitution

The U.S. Constitution reflects the Enlightenment emphasis on restraining government overreach:

  • The Bill of Rights (1791) explicitly enumerates negative rights, including:
    • Freedom of speech, religion, and the press (First Amendment).
    • Protection from unreasonable searches and seizures (Fourth Amendment).
    • Protection against self-incrimination and double jeopardy (Fifth Amendment).

The focus of negative rights is clear: safeguarding individual freedom by limiting the power of the state.

The Rise of Positive Rights

Positive rights, or “freedoms to,” gained prominence in the 19th and 20th centuries with the rise of modern liberalism, which emphasized collective welfare and social justice. Unlike negative rights, positive rights require others—primarily taxpayers in the United States—to take action to ensure access to certain goods or services.

Philosophical Foundations

  • Hegelian and Marxist Thought:
    • Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel posited that freedom is achieved through participation in the state and community, implying a proactive role for government.
    • Karl Marx critiqued negative rights as insufficient for addressing systemic inequalities, advocating for economic and social rights like healthcare and education.
  • The Shift Toward Equality: John Stuart Mill bridged classical and modern liberalism by advocating for both individual liberty and collective action to address societal harms.

Institutionalization of Positive Rights

Positive rights were formalized in the 20th century:

  • The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) enshrined rights to work, education, and an adequate standard of living.
  • Social welfare states in Europe institutionalized positive rights through programs like universal healthcare and public housing, funded by taxpayers.

Positive Rights in Practice

Positive rights often involve redistributive policies and government intervention, funded by taxpayers:

  • A “right to education” necessitates public funding for schools.
  • A “right to healthcare” requires the provision of medical services, typically funded by taxation.
  • A “right to housing” implies taxpayer subsidies or direct government provision of housing.

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The Terminology: “Negative” vs. “Positive” Rights

The terms “negative” and “positive” describe the nature of the obligations these rights impose:

  • Negative Rights: Represent the absence of interference, requiring others to refrain from action.
    • Example: Freedom of speech simply demands that no one restrict your ability to express yourself.
  • Positive Rights: Represent the presence of action, requiring others—via taxpayer funding—to actively provide resources or services.
    • Example: The right to healthcare obligates taxpayers to fund medical care.

Importantly, these terms are not value judgments—”negative” does not mean inferior, nor does “positive” imply superiority.

Key Tensions Between Negative and Positive Rights

  • Freedom vs. Coercion: Negative rights protect freedom by limiting coercion, while fulfilling positive rights often necessitates coercion, such as taxation.
  • Individual Responsibility vs. Collective Responsibility: Negative rights emphasize personal responsibility, whereas positive rights shift responsibilities to taxpayers through government redistribution.
  • Limited vs. Expanding Government: Negative rights align with a limited government model, while positive rights justify expansive government programs funded by taxpayers.

The Modern Relevance

The U.S. Constitution is fundamentally a negative-rights document designed to limit government power and protect individual liberty. However, the increasing emphasis on positive rights, such as housing or healthcare, challenges this framework. Advocating for positive rights often requires expanding government authority, which is funded through taxpayer dollars and can infringe upon property rights, freedom of contract, and personal choice.

Balancing these perspectives remains a critical challenge. The historical and philosophical context of rights underscores the complexities of these debates and their profound implications for individual freedom, governmental authority, and the meaning of justice in society.

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Dave Soulia | FYIVT

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2 responses to “Rights That Feel Right: Understanding Legal Legitimacy and Human Norms”

  1. Robert Fireovid Avatar
    Robert Fireovid

    Great essay. Thank you Dave!

    It seems to me that Vermonters by-and-large are more supportive of positive rights and less supportive of negative rights than many other American citizens. I for one am an outsider in my own state.

  2. H. Jay Eshelman Avatar
    H. Jay Eshelman

    The characterization of ‘negative rights’ and ‘positive rights’ is an ongoing case of semantic gymnastics. Its conceptual groundwork can be traced back to Immanuel Kant, in his moral philosophy (Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals) and his so-called ‘Perfect’ and ‘Imperfect’ duties. In fact, the distinction dates back further than Aristotle debating his mentor, Plato.

    The tension between individual autonomy and collective obligations, a precursor to the ‘individualism’ vs. ‘collectivism’ divide that informs the negative/positive rights distinction, was debated millennia earlier. The concept of private property was well-established and practiced in ancient Mesopotamian and Babylonian periods (roughly 3500–500 BCE).

    Today, this idealistic conflict is more scientifically described in peer-reviewed Self-Determination Theory (SDT) developed by psychologists Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan in the 1980s. Deci and Ryan characterized it as the division between ‘intrinsic’ and ‘extrinsic’ motivation. STD explains that humans have innate tendencies toward psychological growth, integration, and vitality, but only when supported by social environments that satisfy a continuum of relative autonomy – i.e., being self-endorsed in one’s personal actions (not controlled or coerced).

    In my humble opinion, after having been in business for the last 50 years, negotiating contractual agreements between all sorts of parties (e.g., Municipal, State and Federal Regulators, clients, employees, various and numerous subcontractors, not to mention friends and neighbors)… everyone in a free society, and I mean everyone, acts on their own fruition – whether or not they admit it.

    In the final analysis, short of being arrested and physically forced, an individual acts through their own ignorance, coercion or complicity. In other words, the individual is always responsible.

    Which brings us to ‘the collective’.

    The ‘collective’ is, by this definition, a charade in which an individual, for myriad reasons, seeks to, or imposes on others, the elimination of personal responsibility or accountability for their actions.

    It’s just that simple. Marxism, Communism, Democratic Socialism, …call it what you will, it is the governance of cowards.

    ‘Free Enterprise’, on the other hand, the epitome of autonomy, competence, and relatedness, as espoused by Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, and Deci and Ryan, argue that Free Enterprise unleashes human potential, reduces poverty, and protects liberty—evidenced by historical growth in market-oriented economies while the ‘collective’ stifles it.

    The discovery that ‘The Collective’ (“that conceit of Plato’s”) was a failed governance, with their first creation of ‘Free Enterprise’ in the Americas, was cited by William Bradford, governor of Plymouth Plantation in 1623. Little did these colonist realize at the time that their descendants would, 165 years later, consummate the single most effective form of autonomous governance contrived in human history with the ratification of the U. S. Constitution and its Bill of Rights.

    https://drive.google.com/file/d/13TxNjuY9IBuaIl4Th5pbvb83PLuW7LvJ/view

    As Benjamin Franklin opined in 1787… ‘We have a Republic, if we can keep it’.

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