The Vermont delegation is behind LIFT the BAR. Nobody has priced it.

U.S. Rep. Becca Balint is cosponsoring legislation that would expand access to Medicaid, food assistance, cash payments, housing subsidies and other federal benefits for several categories of noncitizens. Vermont Sens. Bernie Sanders and Peter Welch cosponsored the Senate version in 2023, putting the state's entire congressional delegation behind the effort.

The bill — the Lifting Immigrant Families Through Benefits Access Restoration Act, or LIFT the BAR Act, H.R. 9432 — is led by Democratic Reps. Pramila Jayapal of Washington and Rob Menendez of New Jersey. It would lift the five-year waiting period and other immigration-related restrictions on Medicaid, CHIP, SNAP, TANF and Supplemental Security Income, along with public housing, Housing Choice Vouchers and Section 8 project-based rental assistance.

Whether Congress should pass it is a political question. What follows is the arithmetic, which nobody in favor of the bill has produced.

The pitch describes a narrower bill than the one filed

In a video promoting the legislation, Jayapal talks about one group: legal permanent residents, or green-card holders. She calls the 1996 restriction "this weird provision," says it blocked people from benefits "they should be able to get because they're paying taxes," and closes by urging that benefits be made "available to all legal permanent residents who are here who are paying their taxes." That "weird provision" is Title IV of the welfare overhaul Bill Clinton signed in August 1996, after it cleared the House 328–101 and the Senate 78–21 — margins Republicans, holding 230 and 53 seats, could not reach alone.

Menendez makes the same argument. "Immigrants pay into our tax system every single day," he says. "They should have access to the same benefits that so many of us do."

The video never mentions anyone else. The bill does. Jayapal's office says it also covers Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients, Temporary Protected Status holders, people granted Special Immigrant Juvenile Status, and other federally authorized noncitizens.

That distinction is not semantic. The federal government does not treat "lawfully present" and "lawful immigration status" as the same thing. DACA defers removal and can carry work authorization, but USCIS is explicit that it confers no lawful status — recipients are treated as lawfully present for certain limited purposes only.

The current bar is also narrower than described

Jayapal says that under the 1996 law, a green-card holder "for five years would not be eligible for any benefits." That is not what the statute does.

Refugees, asylees and humanitarian entrants are exempt from the five-year bar entirely. So are active-duty service members, veterans, and their spouses and children. So are green-card holders with 40 quarters of work history. Immigrant children have been exempt from the SNAP bar since 2002. Emergency Medicaid applies regardless of status.

And since 2009, states have been free to cover lawfully residing children and pregnant women during the waiting period. Vermont already does both.

The bar is real, but it is a set of exclusions with holes in it — not a five-year blackout.

Paying taxes is not the same as paying the cost

Many immigrants do pay taxes: income, payroll, sales, fuel, property. That isn't in dispute. The question is whether those payments cover what the bill would spend.

Take a full-time worker at $15 an hour — $31,200 a year. That's about $2,387 in Social Security and Medicare taxes, matched by the employer. Even counting both halves, under $4,800 before income tax, and much of federal income-tax liability at that wage is offset by refundable credits. Those payroll dollars also fund future Social Security and Medicare claims. They are not loose change available for Medicaid.

Now the other side of the ledger. Federal data put median Medicaid spending at $9,090 per enrollee in 2023. Maximum federal SSI in 2026 is $994 a month — $11,928 a year. One person drawing SSI, Medicaid and food assistance clears $20,000 in annual public cost before a dollar of administration.

Nobody poor enough to qualify pays $20,000 in federal tax. That is true of citizens too — it's what a means-tested program is. But it means the "they pay taxes" argument doesn't answer the cost question. It changes the subject.

Nobody has produced a number

How many people? USCIS counts 495,320 active DACA recipients as of December 2025. Add recent green-card holders, sponsored immigrants, TPS holders and Special Immigrant Juveniles and the newly eligible population plausibly runs into the millions. Enrollment would build over years, not overnight — but the legal gate opens at once.

Low uptake wouldn't make it free, either. Eligibility systems, application processing, translation, call centers, renewals and appeals all cost money, and Medicaid explicitly provides federal matching funds for administrative work aimed at finding and enrolling eligible people.

There is no Congressional Budget Office score. CBO generally waits until a bill clears a full committee, and this one hasn't. So there is no public estimate of ten-year cost, enrollment, or what it would push onto state budgets — including Vermont's.

Without a funding source, the money comes from somewhere: higher taxes, more borrowing, cuts elsewhere, lower provider payments, or longer waits for people already in these programs. Jayapal frames the bill as a response to health care cuts and expired ACA subsidies, which is a fair description of the budget environment — and precisely why an unpriced expansion is a strange thing to file into it.

None of that settles whether the bill is good policy. It settles something narrower: the proposal is not free merely because the people it covers pay some taxes. Balint, Sanders and Welch have signed on to a benefits expansion of unknown size and unknown cost. Somebody should do the math before the vote, not after.